CD11 - Crime Control and Prevention
The study of crime and class explores the patterns of criminal behaviour, arrest, and incarceration across different socio-economic groups. While the UK prison system does not officially classify inmates by social class, sociological studies consistently show a disproportionate representation of working-class individuals in the criminal justice system. These patterns raise important questions about the relationship between class and crime and the systemic factors influencing this dynamic.
Crime Trends and Class Representation
Studies from the Ministry of Justice (2023) reveal that approximately 62% of prisoners come from the lowest socio-economic backgrounds. These individuals are often linked to crimes categorized as “blue-collar,” including theft, burglary, and violent offenses. Such crimes tend to be visible and are therefore more frequently detected, reported, and prosecuted. In contrast, middle- and upper-class individuals are more likely to engage in “white-collar” or “corporate” crimes, such as fraud, embezzlement, or environmental violations, which are less visible and often go unpunished due to their complexity and the perpetrators’ access to resources.
White Collar Crime
White Collar Crime refers to non-violent offenses committed by individuals in high-status positions during their professional duties. Edwin Sutherland (1949) introduced the term to highlight crimes of the powerful, which often evade harsh legal scrutiny. Such crimes typically involve fraud, deception, or financial manipulation. Croall (2001) emphasizes that white-collar crimes, such as tax evasion and embezzlement, are often framed as technical violations or "mistakes" rather than criminal acts, leading to lenient treatment. For example, Bernie Madoff orchestrated one of the largest Ponzi schemes in history, defrauding investors of billions of dollars. Sociologists argue that white-collar crime's invisibility, often hidden in private offices or financial systems, contrasts with the heavily policed nature of street-level crimes.
Corporate Crime
Corporate Crime, on the other hand, is committed by organizations or companies, often to increase profits or maintain competitive advantages. Slapper and Tombs (1999) argue that corporate crimes, such as environmental damage or labour exploitation, result in widespread harm but are rarely viewed as criminal by the public or legal systems. A significant example is the Volkswagen emissions scandal, where the company used software to cheat emissions tests, causing severe environmental and public health damage. Tombs and Whyte (2003) highlight that corporate crime often involves "hidden harm," which affects large populations but receives less attention and lighter punishment than visible street crimes. Corporate crime reflects systemic inequalities, where powerful entities escape accountability despite their far-reaching impact.
Blue Collar Crime
Blue Collar Crime includes offenses committed by individuals from lower socio-economic backgrounds, often involving visible and immediate harm, such as burglary, assault, or drug trafficking. Cloward and Ohlin (1960) link blue-collar crime to strain theory, arguing that structural inequalities and limited opportunities push marginalized individuals toward illegal activities to achieve societal goals. Crimes like gang-related drug trafficking or street robberies are more likely to be policed and result in harsher penalties, reflecting class biases in the criminal justice system. Unlike white-collar and corporate crimes, blue-collar crimes are highly visible, contributing to public fear and moral panics, which the media often amplifies.
Explanations for the trends in Class and Crime.
The Prevalence of Working-Class Criminality
Selective Law Enforcement and Law Making
The theory of selective law enforcement and law making, rooted in Marxist sociology, provides a critical lens through which to examine the legal system’s role in maintaining class inequalities. Marxists argue that the legal framework and its enforcement are not neutral but systematically favour the interests of the bourgeoisie (upper and middle classes) while disproportionately disadvantaging the proletariat (working class).
Selective Law Making
Marxist theorists, such as William Chambliss, contend that laws primarily serve to protect the property and interests of the ruling class. In capitalist societies like the UK, this is evident in the significant focus on property law, encompassing not only real estate but also assets like cars, businesses, and financial investments. These laws inherently benefit those who own and control wealth, often at the expense of the working class.
A clear example of this is the response to the 2008 financial crisis. Governments around the world introduced laws and measures aimed at stabilizing the financial system, which largely protected banks and corporate executives while leaving working-class homeowners to face foreclosure and economic hardship. This demonstrates how legal frameworks prioritize the stability and interests of the bourgeoisie over the welfare of the majority population.
While Marxists provide a powerful critique of how laws can protect ruling-class interests, this perspective has its limitations. Not all laws unilaterally benefit the wealthy. For instance, policies like the UK’s national minimum wage or protections against unfair dismissal provide significant benefits for workers. This suggests that the relationship between class and law making is more complex than Marxist theory implies, with competing interests occasionally shaping legislative outcomes.
Selective Law Enforcement
The enforcement of laws also reflects class biases, as highlighted by sociologists such as Howard Becker in his labelling theory. Becker argues that law enforcement disproportionately targets the working class by focusing on crimes that are more visible and easier to prosecute, such as vandalism, shoplifting, and public disorder. These offenses often result in harsher punishments for working-class offenders, while crimes more commonly associated with the middle and upper classes, such as tax evasion or corporate fraud, are often treated with greater leniency.
A contemporary example of this disparity is the contrasting treatment of benefit fraud and tax evasion. While tax evasion costs the UK economy significantly more than benefit fraud each year, the latter is more aggressively pursued and publicized. This reflects how the criminal justice system prioritizes offenses associated with the working class while downplaying or deferring action on crimes committed by wealthier individuals.
Marxist theories of selective enforcement offer valuable insights but can oversimplify the causes of disparities in legal outcomes. For example, feminist and intersectional perspectives point out that class is not the only factor shaping law enforcement. Gender, race, and ethnicity also intersect with class to influence how individuals are treated by the justice system. Women of colour from working-class backgrounds, for instance, face heightened levels of discrimination, suggesting that selective enforcement is part of a broader matrix of inequality.
Invisibility of White Collar and Corporate Crime
Historically, working-class individuals have been more commonly associated with visible crimes such as theft and physical assault, while middle- and upper-class individuals are more often linked with white-collar and corporate crimes. Sociologist Chorale argues that blue-collar crimes are more detectable due to their immediate and tangible nature, creating the misconception that criminality is disproportionately higher among the working class. This perception is further skewed by the relative invisibility and under-prosecution of white-collar and corporate crimes, which are often more complex and harder to detect.
Several sociologists, including Clark (1990) and Curl (2001, 2007), have identified reasons for this disparity. One key issue is the challenge of detection. Crimes like burglary or assault are direct and obvious, making them easier to identify and report. In contrast, white-collar crimes, such as embezzlement or insider trading, are often disguised as legitimate accounting practices or business decisions. These subterfuges can make detection highly onerous and reliant on specialized investigative skills, such as forensic accounting.
Another factor is the perception that white-collar crimes are "victimless." For instance, when corporate fraud targets large businesses or financial institutions, the harm may appear diffused, reducing the sense of immediate damage. This perception makes such crimes seem less serious in the public eye compared to the tangible losses experienced in working-class crimes. Sociologists also highlight the mutual benefits often seen in corporate crimes, such as illicit trade deals or fraudulent mergers, where both parties involved profit and have no incentive to report wrongdoing. This silence perpetuates the invisibility of these crimes.
The complexity of investigating corporate crime further complicates matters. Unlike straightforward offenses, white-collar crimes often require extensive expertise, time, and resources to unravel. Corporations can exploit bureaucratic structures to stall investigations, creating a maze of legal and logistical barriers. For example, large entities like Amazon, with millions of transactions and layers of departments, could potentially overlook or obscure illicit activities within their vast operations. Moreover, in many cases, victims may not even be aware of the crime, as seen in Ponzi schemes or subtle forms of fraud, making it harder to initiate investigations.
Ambiguities in categorizing white-collar crimes also contribute to under-prosecution. The distinction between criminal behaviour, such as embezzlement, and poor business practices can be unclear, complicating efforts to secure convictions. Even when cases reach court, affluent corporations and individuals accused of these crimes often use their significant resources to hire expert legal teams. These teams can prolong legal battles, flood courts with complex documentation, and craft strategies that overwhelm juries, increasing the likelihood of not-guilty verdicts.
As a result, while working-class crimes are more visible and more frequently recorded, the intricacies and hidden nature of white-collar and corporate crimes render them far less apparent in crime statistics. This contributes to skewed perceptions within the criminal justice system, reinforcing the misconception that criminality is predominantly a working-class issue. Sociologists argue that addressing these disparities requires systemic changes, such as improving investigative resources, increasing transparency in corporate structures, and challenging societal perceptions about the seriousness of white-collar crime.
Strain Theory and Its Implications for the Working Class
Strain Theory, developed by sociologist Robert Merton, offers a compelling explanation for how societal pressures can lead to deviant behaviour. Merton argued that society promotes shared cultural goals, such as financial success and material wealth, but not everyone has equal access to the legitimate means of achieving these goals. This mismatch creates strain, particularly for individuals in disadvantaged positions, and leads to five possible responses: conformity, innovation, ritualism, retreatism, and rebellion.
For many working-class individuals, systemic barriers such as limited access to education and stable employment mean that conformity—achieving goals through accepted means—is often unattainable. Instead, some people turn to "innovation," using illegitimate methods to achieve success, or "rebellion," rejecting societal goals and creating alternative value systems. These adaptations help explain why deviance is often concentrated among groups facing the greatest structural inequalities.
A vivid example of this strain can be seen in education. Sociologist Paul Willis, in his study Learning to Labour, examined the experiences of working-class boys in schools. He found that many of these boys reject the values of the education system, such as hard work and academic success, because they believe the system offers them no real chance of achieving upward mobility. Instead, they develop an anti-school subculture that values traits like toughness and resistance to authority. This rebellion aligns with Merton’s concept of rejecting societal goals and means while creating their own pathways to identity and success.
Contemporary issues provide further evidence of the theory’s relevance. For instance, the phenomenon of "county lines" drug operations in the UK illustrates how young people from disadvantaged backgrounds may turn to crime as an "innovative" way of achieving financial stability. These young individuals face a lack of legitimate opportunities, such as well-paid jobs or access to higher education, which creates strain and pushes them toward deviant behaviours that promise material success.
Merton’s theory has been praised for its ability to link social structures with deviant behaviour, but it is not without its critics. Some argue that it focuses too much on individual responses to strain and overlooks broader systemic issues. For example, Marxist sociologists suggest that deviance stems not just from inequality in access to goals but from the inherent injustices of the capitalist system itself. Others, like Albert Cohen, have built on Merton’s ideas, emphasizing how group dynamics shape deviance. Cohen’s concept of "status frustration" highlights how working-class boys, unable to achieve respect through legitimate means, form delinquent subcultures to gain status in their peer groups.
Strain Theory has also been criticized for not fully addressing modern societal pressures. The rise of social media, for instance, has created new strains by exposing young people to unrealistic portrayals of success and wealth. These pressures can exacerbate feelings of inadequacy, particularly for those from disadvantaged backgrounds, and contribute to behaviours like fraud or theft as individuals attempt to imitate the lifestyles they see online.
Despite these criticisms, Strain Theory remains a valuable tool for understanding the relationship between inequality and deviance. It highlights how structural barriers, such as limited access to education or stable employment, create pressures that drive some individuals toward deviant behaviour. While the theory may need updating to reflect modern contexts, its core message is clear: addressing the inequalities that create strain is essential for reducing deviance in society.
Subcultural Theories and Social Deprivation
The idea that the working class is more likely to commit crimes can be explained using subcultural theories, especially Walter B. Miller’s concept of "focal concerns." Miller suggested that different social groups develop their own values based on their experiences. For the working class, these values include toughness and a focus on immediate rewards, which help them cope with challenges in their lives.
However, these values often clash with middle-class values, like planning for the future and following structured paths to success. Since middle-class values tend to shape laws and social rules, working-class behaviors may be judged as deviant or criminal. It’s important to note that neither set of values is better or worse—they simply reflect different life experiences. However, because middle-class values dominate, the working class can appear more "criminal" in the eyes of the justice system.
The social deprivation theory offers another way to look at this issue. It suggests that people living in poverty or feeling left behind by society are more likely to turn to crime. For the working class, a lack of opportunities can push people to seek illegal ways to achieve goals, like earning money. This connects to Robert Merton’s strain theory, which explains how the gap between societal expectations and the lack of means to achieve them can lead to deviance.
Examples today help explain these ideas. In poorer areas, where unemployment and inequality are high, crime rates are often higher too. This isn’t because working-class people are naturally more criminal, but because barriers in society push them into behaviors that break the rules. Subcultural theories show how these actions are linked to community values, while deprivation theory explains the pressures that make crime more likely.
Critics argue these theories can oversimplify the issue. For example, feminist sociologists say they don’t always consider how gender shapes criminal behaviour. Women from working-class backgrounds may experience different pressures and strains that lead to crime in other ways. Similarly, race and ethnicity also play a big role, and these theories don’t always address that.
Even with these criticisms, subcultural and deprivation theories are useful for understanding why working-class people are often seen as more involved in crime. They show how values, social inequalities, and laws interact to create this perception, encouraging a more thoughtful understanding of crime and its causes.
Labelling Theory
In sociology, the concept of "labelling" is essential for understanding crime, particularly trends in working-class criminality. Labelling theory suggests that people’s behavior is shaped by the labels society assigns to them, and for the working class, this often involves being stereotyped as inherently more "criminal." This label influences how they are perceived and treated by the criminal justice system. For example, if a working-class individual commits vandalism, they are more likely to be arrested and face harsh punishment because they are already viewed as "criminal." In contrast, a middle-class individual committing the same act might be treated more leniently, perhaps dismissed as someone who made a one-time mistake.
This bias is evident in historical examples, such as the "hoodie" moral panic of the late 1990s and early 2000s. Hooded sweatshirts became associated with working-class youth and delinquency, leading to stereotypes that labeled young people wearing hoodies as troublemakers. These labels resulted in increased police profiling, more frequent stops and searches, and even bans on hoodies in shopping centers and public spaces. This example highlights how societal labels disproportionately target the working class, reinforcing their association with criminality.
The link between these labels and working-class crime trends raises an important question: are working-class individuals more likely to be involved in crime because of their circumstances, or does the label of being "criminal" push them toward deviant behavior? Sociologists suggest it is a combination of both. The stigma of criminality often limits opportunities for those already labeled as deviant, increasing their likelihood of engaging in further criminal behavior—a phenomenon known as the "self-fulfilling prophecy."
This labelling process also shapes criminal justice outcomes. Working-class individuals, especially young men, are disproportionately stopped, searched, arrested, and convicted compared to middle- and upper-class individuals. This trend creates a cycle where the working class appears more criminal in official statistics, not necessarily because they commit more crimes, but because they are more frequently targeted and punished.
Explanations of White Collar and Corporate Crime
Understanding the motivations behind white-collar and corporate crime necessitates an examination of the middle and upper classes. While these crimes might not consistently manifest in official statistics or result in prosecution, their presence within these classes is undeniable.
Strain Theory
White-collar and corporate crime, which are often linked to middle- and upper-class individuals, can be explained using Robert Merton's strain theory. While strain theory is usually used to understand working-class crime, it also helps explain why people in wealthier social groups commit crimes. Merton argued that society creates pressure to achieve goals like wealth, success, and status. When people feel they can’t reach these goals through legal means, they may turn to illegal methods to succeed.
This pressure to achieve isn’t just about being poor or lacking resources—it can also happen to wealthy or successful individuals. Even those who seem to have it all can feel relative deprivation, meaning they think others have more or are doing better. For example, someone with a high-paying job might still feel pressure to earn more or keep up with their peers in terms of possessions or success. This constant comparison can push people to break the rules to get ahead.
Strain theory is helpful in understanding crimes like fraud, embezzlement, or insider trading, which are common examples of white-collar and corporate crime. These crimes often happen in workplaces where competition and the drive to succeed are intense. For instance, company executives might commit fraud or manipulate financial records to meet unrealistic goals, protect their company’s reputation, or secure personal bonuses. A real-life example is the Enron scandal, where company leaders falsified financial reports to make the business seem more successful than it really was, leading to massive losses for employees and investors.
Corporate environments can also create conditions that encourage illegal behaviour. In some industries, breaking the rules might be seen as necessary to stay competitive. Crimes like tax evasion or price-fixing can be rationalized as "just business," even though they harm society by costing governments money or limiting fair competition.
Edgework Theory
The concept of edgework, introduced by sociologist Jack Katz, offers a unique perspective on why some individuals engage in white-collar and corporate crimes. Unlike theories that focus on financial or material motives, edgework emphasizes the thrill and excitement that comes from taking risks and operating on the boundaries of legality. For some offenders, the adrenaline rush and sense of mastery they experience can be just as motivating as the financial rewards.
In the context of white-collar and corporate crimes such as embezzlement or insider trading, Katz argues that the thrill is not solely about committing the act but also about outsmarting the system. This could mean deceiving an employer, manipulating corporate regulations, or bypassing legal frameworks. The psychological reward of successfully "beating the system" triggers a release of dopamine in the brain, which is associated with pleasure and satisfaction. For many offenders, this sense of triumph is deeply rewarding and can be as addictive as the material benefits of their crimes.
This thrill-seeking behaviour is evident in high-profile cases like rogue trading scandals. For example, Nick Leeson, the trader who caused the collapse of Barings Bank in the 1990s, later admitted that the risks he took and the sense of control over vast sums of money gave him a powerful sense of exhilaration, even as he broke the law. Similarly, corporate executives involved in insider trading, such as Rajat Gupta of McKinsey & Company, may feel a sense of power and superiority by exploiting confidential information to gain an edge in the market.
Edgework also helps explain why some individuals repeatedly engage in white-collar crimes. After experiencing the euphoria of pulling off a risky or covert operation, they may seek to replicate that high. This can lead to a pattern of escalating behavior, as offenders push the boundaries further to recapture the same thrill. The psychological rewards, such as admiration from peers or the satisfaction of achieving something others couldn't, can drive individuals to continue taking risks, even in the face of potential consequences.
However, critics of edgework argue that it doesn’t fully account for the structural factors that enable white-collar and corporate crime. Sociologists like Edwin Sutherland emphasize how corporate cultures often normalize unethical behavior, making it less about thrill-seeking and more about meeting professional or organizational expectations. Additionally, feminist perspectives might highlight how corporate environments, often dominated by men, can encourage risk-taking as a form of masculine identity, which may further explain patterns of white-collar crime.
Despite these critiques, edgework provides a valuable psychological lens for understan
Rational Choice Theory
Rational Choice Theory, developed by sociologist Ronald V. Clarke, provides another way to understand why individuals commit white-collar and corporate crimes. According to this theory, people make calculated decisions about whether to engage in criminal activities by weighing the potential benefits against the risks and consequences of getting caught and punished. If the benefits seem to outweigh the risks, they may decide that committing the crime is worth it.
This theory is particularly useful in explaining white-collar and corporate crime because these crimes often appear "rational" to the offenders. For example, statistics show that white-collar criminals are prosecuted far less often than those who commit blue-collar crimes. When they are brought to trial, they are more likely to receive "not guilty" verdicts because they often have access to significant resources, such as skilled legal teams, to mount strong defenses. Even when found guilty, the penalties are often relatively lenient. Convicted individuals might receive short jail sentences, fines, or orders to repay stolen amounts, which may be far smaller than the financial gains they obtained through their crimes.
The perceived low risks of punishment make white-collar crimes an attractive option for potential offenders. Clarke argues that individuals in corporate settings often assess their chances and conclude that the potential rewards—such as financial gain, career advancement, or maintaining their company’s reputation—far outweigh the risks of getting caught. For example, insider trading scandals, such as those involving hedge fund manager Raj Rajaratnam, highlight how individuals may rationalize illegal activities because they believe the financial benefits are worth the gamble.
Corporate environments can also encourage rational decision-making that leads to criminal behaviour. Sociologist Edwin Sutherland, who first coined the term "white-collar crime," argued that corporate cultures often normalize unethical practices. In these settings, individuals may see crimes like fraud or embezzlement as part of doing business rather than as serious legal violations. For instance, the Volkswagen emissions scandal demonstrates how executives rationalized falsifying emissions data to maintain competitive advantages in the car market. They likely calculated that the financial and reputational benefits of appearing environmentally compliant outweighed the potential consequences of being discovered.
Rational Choice Theory also explains why some corporations engage in systematic crimes like tax evasion or price-fixing. Large companies often use complex accounting practices or exploit legal loopholes to minimize taxes, viewing the risk of fines or audits as a manageable cost compared to the financial savings they gain. For example, major corporations like Apple and Amazon have faced scrutiny for tax avoidance schemes that, while not always strictly illegal, highlight how rational calculations influence corporate decisions.
Opportunity Structures
Edwin Sutherland, who first used the term white-collar crime, explained that people in middle- and upper-class jobs have more opportunities to commit certain types of crimes, like fraud, insider trading, or embezzlement. These individuals often hold roles like accountants, managers, CEOs, or board members, which give them access to financial systems, sensitive information, and decision-making powers. In contrast, people in lower-level jobs, such as janitors or receptionists, usually don’t have the access or authority needed to commit these types of crimes.
A clear example of this is the Enron scandal in the early 2000s. Top executives at the energy company used their positions to hide financial losses and inflate stock prices, which tricked investors and employees into believing the company was successful. Eventually, the company collapsed, leaving thousands of people without jobs or pensions. This happened because the executives had the power and knowledge to manipulate the system for their own benefit.
These crimes often happen because corporate environments give people in high positions the chance to commit them. For example, during the 2008 financial crisis, investment bankers engaged in risky and unethical practices like selling bad loans, which contributed to a global economic crash. Many of these crimes went unpunished because they were hard to trace back to specific individuals in such large and complex systems.
White-collar crimes are not always about personal greed; they can also be driven by pressure to meet performance targets or keep a company competitive. For example, in the Volkswagen emissions scandal, company executives approved the use of software to cheat emissions tests so their cars would pass. This wasn’t just about personal gain but about making sure the company stayed ahead in the market.
White-collar crimes are harder to detect and prosecute than street-level crimes because they often involve complex systems and well-resourced individuals who can afford strong legal defences. This means people in powerful positions are less likely to face consequences for their actions, even when the harm caused is significant.